For someone who was once Secretary of Labour Robert Reich’s view on the way forward in the political situation currently faced by the United States, is quite profound and important. Protesting the harm the Trum administration is bringing is not enough. The way forward depends on having an alternative to build the future on a foundation of far greater democracy and a fair sharing of the wealth produced by society. There is a universal truth in this, which doesn’t only apply to the United States. The world is being impacted by what Trump and those behind him are doing. This article was published in The Guardian 8 May 2025. Robert Reich is now a professor of public policy emeritus at the University of California in Berkely.
Demonstrations against Donald Trump are getting larger and louder. Good. This is absolutely essential.
But at some point, we’ll need to demonstrate not just against the president but also for the United States we want.
Trump’s regressive populism – cruel, bigoted, tyrannical – must be met by a bold progressive populism that strengthens democracy and shares the wealth.
We can’t simply return to the path we were on before Trump. Even then, big money was taking over our democracy and siphoning off most of the economy’s gains.
Two of the country’s most respected political scientists – professors Martin Gilens of Princeton and Benjamin Page of Northwestern University – analyzed 1,799 policy issues decided between 1981 and 2002. They found that “the preferences of the average American appear to have only a miniscule, near-zero, statistically non-significant impact upon public policy.”
Instead, lawmakers responded to the demands of wealthy individuals (typically corporate executives and
Wall Street moguls) and big corporations – those with the most lobbying prowess and deepest pockets to bankroll campaigns. And “when a majority of citizens disagrees with economic elites or with organized interests, they generally lose.”
Notably, Gilens and Page’s research data was gathered before the supreme court opened the floodgates to big money in Citizens United. After that, the voices of typical Americans were entirely drowned.
In the election cycle of 2016, which first delivered the White House to Trump, the richest 100th of 1% of Americans accounted for a record-breaking 40 percent of all campaign donations. (By contrast, in 1980, the top 0.01 Percent accounted for only 15 percent of all contributions.)
The direction we were heading was unsustainable. Even before Trump’s first regime, trust in every major institution of society was plummeting – including Congress, the courts, corporations, Wall Street, universities, the legal establishment and the media.
The typical family’s inflation-adjusted income had barely risen for decades. Most of the economy’s gains had gone to the top
The entire system seemed rigged for the benefit of the establishment – and in many ways it was.
The typical family’s inflation-adjusted income had barely risen for decades. Most of the economy’s gains had gone to the top.
Wall Street got bailed out when its gambling addiction caused it humongous losses but homeowners who were underwater did not. Nor did people who lost their jobs and savings. And not a single top Wall Street executive went to jail.
A populist – anti-establishment – revolution was inevitable. But it didn’t have to be a tyrannical one. It didn’t have to be regressive populism.
Instead of putting the blame where it belonged – on big corporations, Wall Street and the billionaire class – Trump has blamed immigrants, the “deep state”, socialists, “coastal elites”, transgender people, “DEI” and “woke”.
How has Trump gotten away with this while giving the super-rich large tax benefits and regulatory relief and surrounding himself (especially in his second term) with a record number of billionaires, including the richest person in the world?
Largely because Democratic leaders – with the notable exceptions of Bernie Sanders (who is actually an independent), AOC and a handful of others – could not, and still cannot, bring themselves to enunciate a progressive version of populism that puts the blame squarely where it belongs.
Too many have been eating from the same campaign buffet as the Republicans and dare not criticize the hands that feed them.
This has left Trump’s regressive populism as the only version of anti-establishment politics available to Americans. It’s a tragedy. Anti-establishment fury remains at the heart of our politics, and for good reason.
What would progressive populism entail?
Strengthening democracy by busting up big corporations. Stopping Wall Street’s gambling (e.g. replicating the Glass-Steagall Act). Getting big money out of politics, even if this requires amending the constitution. Requiring big corporations to share their profits with their average workers. Strengthening unions. And raising taxes on the super-wealthy to finance a universal basic income, Medicare for all, and paid family leave.
Hopefully, demonstrations against Trump’s regressive, tyrannical populism will continue to grow.
But we must also be demonstrating for a better future beyond Trump – one that strengthens democracy and works on behalf of all Americans rather than a privileged few.